On September 5, 1861, President Abraham Lincoln had a problem, and that problem was John C. Fremont. Seeking a solution, Lincoln conferred with Commanding General of the U.S. Army Winfield Scott. He wanted some input on what to do with Fremont. Here is what I wrote up for the Lincolnian.org website:
On August 30, 1861, General John C. Fremont, who Lincoln had put in charge of the Department of the West based in Missouri, issued what effectively was martial law and a proclamation of emancipation. President Lincoln was not amused.
Fremont was not just some appointed general. He had been the first Republican nominee for president in 1856. Lincoln had supported Fremont at that time and even received 110 votes in nomination to be Fremont’s vice-presidential running mate (he lost out to William Dayton). In the 1840s, Fremont earned his nickname “The Pathfinder” by leading several expeditions to California. He also married Jesse Benton, daughter of powerful Senator Thomas Hart Benton. Fremont served in the Mexican War and was briefly the territorial governor of California, later becoming one of its first two senators. But he was also no stranger to controversy, including being court-martialed for insubordination in 1847 (later commuted to merely a dishonorable discharge by President Polk).
Fremont ran a strict operation in Missouri at the beginning of the Civil War. His proclamation included a rather problematic passage:
All persons who shall be taken with arms in their hands within these lines shall be tried by court-martial, and, if found guilty, will be shot. The property, real and personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri who shall take up arms against the United States, and who shall be directly proven to have taken active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use; and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free.
Lincoln quickly recognized this as a major conflict with the confiscation acts passed by Congress, not to mention that Missouri had remained in the Union even though it was a slave state. Emancipating enslaved people by edict would violate the Constitution as Lincoln (and most others) understood it. Furthermore, taking such extreme action in a loyal state would cause problems with the other border states, most especially Kentucky. As Lincoln reportedly said elsewhere, “I hope to have God on my side, but I must have Kentucky.”
Finding out about Fremont’s proclamation from the newspapers, Lincoln responded in his usual deferential way asking Fremont to reconsider. Fremont replied in his usual arrogant way by telling Lincoln he (i.e., Fremont) knew better than Lincoln and if Lincoln wanted Fremont to rescind the proclamation, he would have order it. Fremont sent his response with his wife, Jesse Benton Fremont, to be personally delivered on September 8. Equally self-assured, Jesse attempted to persuade Lincoln that Fremont’s action was correct. Lincoln disagreed, and on September 11, 1861, Lincoln called Fremont’s bluff and wrote:
Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on your part, that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed, as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject contained in the act of Congress entitled “An Act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes” Approved, August 6. 1861; and that said act be published at length with this order. Your Obt. Servt A. LINCOLN.
Again, the rationale was clear. A general in the field may not issue proclamations that 1) are illegal in that they do not confirm to the laws, and 2) would cause tremendous national security issues that could result in the end of the United States. Not long after this incident, Lincoln sent envoys to assess the situation in Missouri. Their reports confirmed general disarray and Fremont “doing absolutely nothing.” One reported that Fremont was “wholly incompetent.” Seeing no other recourse, Lincoln removed Fremont from command. Fremont did get a second chance as commander of the forces on the Virginia and Kentucky border, but after being badly defeated in battle, Fremont eventually resigned.
Not learning the lesson, one of Fremont’s division commanders at the time in Missouri, Major General David Hunter, also garnered President Lincoln’s castigation with his similar General Order No. 11 in May of 1862.
The rescinded Fremont proclamation was one of many factors that pulled the slavery question one way and another over the course of the next years, the culmination of factors which would lead to the end of slavery in the District of Columbia and Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation in 1862.
[Photo credit: Wikimedia Commons; This post is adapted from one written for Lincolnian.org]
Mary Lincoln hated Washington, especially during the pestilent humidity of the capital city during the heat of summer. It’s the reason President Lincoln moved to the soldier’s home (now President Lincoln’s Cottage) each summer, beginning with 1862 after Willie’s death earlier that year. Mary would take Tad northward, often to New York and into New England, usually to be joined by Robert during his summer break from his studies at Harvard College. In 1863 they traveled to the White Mountains of New Hampshire, then in August of 1864 Robert met his mother and brother in the Green Mountains of Vermont. He intended to return with the president in the summer of 1865, but the assassination kept that from happening. Notwithstanding, the 1864 trip would capture Robert’s fancy enough to return decades later to build his own summer cottage known as Hildene.
In 1855, the Whig Party had all but fallen apart. Always a Whig in politics, Lincoln was deciding whether to join the new Republican Party. The American Party, called the Know-Nothings because of their habit of denying any knowledge if asked about the party, had also been making inroads with a platform based on bigotry toward foreigners and Catholics (often Irish immigrants). In a letter written August 24, 1855, he tells his longtime friend Joshua Speed that “I am not a Know-Nothing. That is Certain. How could I be? How can anyone who abhors the oppression of negroes, be in favoring of degrading classes of white people?”
On August 17, 1863, Christopher M. Spencer, inventor of Spencer rifle, presents his new repeating rifle to President Abraham Lincoln and demonstrates how to assemble it. Lincoln was always keen on implementing new military technology during the Civil War, although his generals were not always so eager to follow his lead. Chief of Ordnance James Wolfe Ripley argued that more advanced weaponry was not self-evidently better in the field. Complicated weapons in the hands of untested soldiers and poor weather conditions led to vast inefficiencies in his mind, so Ripley denied the use of some of the new-fangled ideas Lincoln liked.
Robert Lincoln got his initial interest in astronomy from his father. Abraham Lincoln was fascinated by astronomy, as I discuss in my book, 
Today, July 26, marks the 75th anniversary of the opening of the Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress.
Abraham Lincoln is the most memorialized president in American history, in terms of the number of monuments and statues in all fifty states and the U.S. territories. According to the 

In Abraham Lincoln’s lecture on Discoveries and Inventions, he discussed how the ingenuity of man had made life easier for the growing millions of Americans. Early in the lecture he used biblical language to relate how the need for clothing led to technological advances, as was also true for communication. At one point he turned to transportation. As with clothing, he stressed the advantages of inventive, productive labor that improves the human condition. Here the goal was to advance beyond human motive power to get from place to place. Inventive thought led to development of the wheel, then wagons on land and boats on water. These were powered by animals such as horses, mules, and oxen on land, or wind and paddles on the water.
On June 20, 1848, Congressman Abraham Lincoln so strongly believed in the long-term economic benefit of improvements that he used some of the limited time allotted to freshmen congressmen to argue for internal improvements on the floor of the House. He began by rebutting the recent Democratic platform written for the 1848 nomination of Lewis Cass, which concluded the Constitution did not confer upon the federal government the power to carry on a system of internal improvements. Lincoln disagreed and systematically dismantled each of the positions offered to support that conclusion.







